George W. Bush 2000 Website
SEE THIS WEBSITE THROUGHOUT THE 2000 CAMPAIGN
Learn More
Al Gore 2000 Web Site SEE THIS WEBSITE THROUGHOUT THE 2000 CAMPAIGN
Learn More
John McCain 2000 Web Site
SEE THIS WEBSITE THROUGHOUT THE 2000 CAMPAIGN
McCain Unveils New Presidential Campaign Web Page
April 30, 1999
(WASHINGTON, DC) -- Republican presidential candidate U.S. Senator John McCain today unveiled his Presidential campaign web page. The site is located at www.mccain2000.com.
"I'm excited my campaign is making use of the cutting edge in communications technology," said McCain, who yesterday also participated in the first online chat of his campaign. "My web site offers the latest features to help supporters, committed or potential, as well as reporters, students and the just plain curious."
"The Internet provides us with a new and exciting opportunity to communicate directly with voters," said McCain. "Each of us can now become better informed and more closely involved with candidates and their positions on the issues. Using sites like mine, citizens young and old can find the information they need to make more educated choices about their leaders."
McCain's site offers biographical video of the Senator's stirring life story, as well as clear statements of his stands on the important issues of the day. Major speeches as well as the Senator's campaign schedule and press releases are also available at the site. Supporters will also able to volunteer their time, donate money and request campaign paraphernalia.
McCain, Chairman of the Senate Commerce, Science and Transportation Committee, has been a national leader on communications technology policy and last year he spearheaded the successful Internet tax moratorium. He currently is sponsoring legislation to address the Y2K bug.
Following is the text of Republican presidential candidate U.S. Senator John McCain's announcement speech.
September 27, 1999
I have the privilege of beginning my campaign with you here in New Hampshire, but I began this day as I began my career of service to our nation...in the company of United States Naval Academy midshipmen.
Whenever I see those young men and women, and think of their dedication and the purposeful careers on which they will soon embark, I am reminded of how lucky I was to have been one of them. So there is no more appropriate place
for me to have begun this mission than Annapolis.
I do not announce my candidacy to satisfy my personal ambitions. My life has already been blessed more than I deserve.
I don't begin this mission with any sense of entitlement. America doesn't owe me anything. I am the son and grandson of Navy admirals, and I was born into America's service. It wasn't until I was deprived of her company that I fell in love with America. And it has been my honor to serve her and her great cause - freedom. I have never lived a day since that I wasn't thankful for the privilege.
It is because I owe America more than she has ever owed me that I am a candidate for President of the United States.
I run for President because I want to return our government back to whom it belongs—the people. So that Americans can believe once again that public service is a summons to duty and not a lifetime of privilege.
I run because I believe deeply in the greatness of America's destiny and in the goodness of our cause. We are a lantern of freedom and opportunity to the world, the bright beacon of hope that our fathers died to bequeath us,
and our children will be asked to defend.
Unless we restore the people's sovereignty over government, renew their pride in public service, reform our public institutions to meet the demands of a new day, and reinvigorate our sense of national purpose we will deny
our destiny, we will abandon the cause our founding fathers called glorious.
The first responsibility of the next president will be keep our country safe so that we might secure for ourselves and humanity a future worthy of our highest aspirations. That obligation requires a commander-in-chief who has the experience to understand and lead a volatile and changing world.
Although the next century will hold many dangers for America and our cause, it will, more than ever, be an age of untold possibilities for good. It is our destiny to seize this opportunity to build a safer, freer and more
prosperous nation and a world free of the tyranny that has made the passing century such a violent age.
This is a great and worthy cause that beckons us all. It is bigger than any one of us. It is larger than personal ambition. It is more important than self-seeking.
At a young age I discovered how liberating it is to sacrifice with others for a cause greater than self-interest. I run for President because I want the next generation of Americans to know the sense of pride and purpose of serving a cause greater than themselves.
I entered politics with the same expectations I had when I was commissioned an ensign in the Navy. First among them was my belief that serving my country is an honor, indeed, the most honorable life an American can lead.
As a candidate, I will campaign with respect for the dignity of the office I seek and the people I seek to serve. On my honor, I swear to you that from my first day in office to the last breath I draw, I will do everything
in my power to make you proud of your government.
Something has gone terribly wrong when parents no longer want their children to grow up to be President. That shames me, that shames me. And I want to do something about it.
When our government has been taken from us by the special interests, the big-dollar donors, pride is lost to shame. When our politics are corrupted by money and lies, trust is lost to cynicism.
We have a choice. We can continue to watch as the American people grow ever more alienated from the practice and institutions of democracy. We can continue to tolerate a government that has become little more than a spectacle of selfish ambition, a government auctioned to the highest bidder.
Or, we can take a stand.
We can stand together to take up our country's cause. We can fight together to reclaim our government from those who corrupt it; to rescue our political system from those who debase it; to defend the proposition that democracy is
not only the most effective form of government, but the only moral government.
This is our New Patriotic Challenge. It is a challenge to each of us to join in the fight against the pervasive cynicism that is debilitating our democracy, that cheapens our public debates, that threatens our public institutions, our culture and, ultimately, our private happiness. It is a
fight to take our government back from the power-brokers and special interests, and return it to the people, and the noble cause of freedom it was created to serve.
If we are to meet the challenges of our time, we must take the corrupting influence of special interest money out of politics. Restoring honesty to our political system is the gateway through which all other policy reforms must pass.
To make our schools better, we must reduce the influence of the teachers unions and their lobbyists.
To improve our health care system, we must rein in the power of trial lawyers and the influence of insurance companies.
To relieve the tax burden imposed on working families we must eliminate the special interest loopholes and pork barrel spending that are the result of a campaign financing system that is nothing more than a sophisticated
influence peddling scheme.
And once we win our government back, there is no limit to what we can accomplish.
If elected President, I will not allow your Social Security money to be used for any purpose except Social Security -- no ifs, ands, or excuses.
Social Security money will be taken completely off budget - every single dollar. So politicians can't get their hands on your retirement money to finance another big government scheme.
I will keep the promise that Bill Clinton broke. I'll reserve more than sixty percent of the surplus to save Social Security. And I'll do it in the first year of my presidency. It won't be easy, but being President isn't
supposed to be easy.
My commitment to save Social Security will not prevent me from providing vital tax relief to the millions of Americans who have been overcharged by government for years. I will cut taxes, not for the special interests and
the big-dollar donors, but for the working men and women of this country.
I will repeal the indefensible tax penalty that punishes couples who want to get married.
I will slash the inheritance tax that penalizes those who wish to leave the fruits of their labor to their children.
I will end the earnings test penalty for seniors that taxes their income twice and denies them the self-respect that comes from working.
And I will dramatically increase the number of Americans who qualify for the lowest tax rate of fifteen percent by raising the eligible income to $70,000 per couple.
I'll pay for middle class tax relief by using the surplus funds not needed to save Social Security, and with the money saved by eliminating tax loopholes and corporate welfare that serve powerful special interests at
your expense.
Day after day, I have fought to stop Congress from treating your money like lottery winnings. I want you to know, what every member of Congress knows, that if I am President, I will refuse to sign any pork barrel bill that crosses my desk. And if Congress overrides my veto and tries to force me to waste your money, I'll make sure you know who they are - every single one of them.
Fixing a broken political system is the key to necessary reform in almost every area where the government touches your life. But nowhere are the stakes greater than in the education of our children.
First and most importantly let's return control of education back to parents and teachers. We can do this by sending ninety percent of all federal education dollars back to community classrooms rather than wasting it on
Washington bureaucrats. Let's put your child's education back in the hands of someone who knows your child's name.
It's time that we encourage and reward excellence, for students and teachers alike.
There's no reason on earth that a good teacher should be paid less than a bad Senator. But all pay should be based on merit, and teachers should be periodically tested for competence. Parents demand it; now they will finally
have the control to require it.
Every child in every classroom deserves a teacher who is qualified and enthusiastic about teaching. Some people just aren't meant to be teachers, and we should help them find another line of work. Because if teachers can't teach, our kids can't learn.
Our children deserve the best education we can provide to them, whether that learning takes place in a public, private or parochial school. It's time to give middle and lower income parents the same right wealthier families
have -- to send their child to the school that best meets their needs. It's time to conduct a nationwide test of school vouchers. It's time to democratize education.
I have fought to make sure that every American child has access to the technological wonders that are remaking our world. Some day very soon every school in America will be wired to the Internet. Children on the Navajo reservation in Northern Arizona and children from the wealthiest
neighborhoods will have access to the same information.
The blessings of technology give us the means to breach the walls of ignorance and isolation. At the dawn of a new American century we face the prospect of reaching the full promise of our founding ideal that all men are created equal by giving all Americans access to information and knowledge, and an equal opportunity not only to pursue, but to attain happiness.
Education is the great equalizer and used wisely, the information revolution will hasten the end of a two-tiered society of haves and have nots, and advance human freedom into the even the darkest corners of tyranny.
Our ideals have made much progress in the world. But if they are to advance further we will need the service of all our children, not just the sons and daughters of a privileged elite. We need capable, committed leaders from
every part of American society to continue the American experiment and promote the American cause in a still dangerous world.
There is no safe alternative to American leadership. The history of this violent century has surely taught us that. We cannot hide behind empty threats, false promises, meaningless rhetoric, and photo op diplomacy. We must confidently defend our interests and values wherever they are threatened. And the first priority of our world leadership is to protect our own security.
As President, I won't ask how much security we can afford. I'll ask how much security do we need, and I will find the resources to pay for it. But I won't tolerate one dime of our defense budget being wasted to re-elect shortsighted politicians who put their own ambitions before the national
interest.
I believe that President Clinton has failed his first responsibility to the nation by weakening our defenses. But he's not the only one to blame. Both parties in Congress have wasted scarce defense dollars on unneeded weapons
systems and other pork projects while 12,000 enlisted personnel, proud young men and women, subsist on food stamps.
And we shortchange those priorities most vital to our security, including training, missile defense, weapons modernization, and counter-terrorism.
My friends, our nation has a unique place in the world. We are the greatest force for good on earth. We chart history's course. Yes, we must be involved in the destiny of other nations. But that does not mean we have
relinquished our sovereignty. It means we have persuaded much of the world to share our ideals. And that's not a cause for concern. It's a cause for hope.
We Americans are a strong confident people. We know that in open competition our ideals, our ingenuity, and our courage ensure our success. Isolationism and protectionism are a fool's errand. We should build no walls in a futile attempt to keep the world at bay. Walls are for cowards, not for us.
We are the world's only superpower. We must accept the responsibilities along with the blessings that come with that distinction. And if America is to lead, then America's leader must be prepared for that challenge. The most
solemn responsibility given the President is the role of Commander-in-Chief.
When it comes time to make the decision to send our young men and women into harm's way, that decision should be made by a leader who knows that such decisions have profound consequences. There comes a time when our nation's
leader can no longer rely on briefing books and talking points, when the experts and the advisors have all weighed in, when the sum total of one's life becomes the foundation from which he or she makes the decisions that determine the future of our democracy.
When a President makes life-and-death decisions he should draw strength and wisdom from broad and deep experience with the reasons for and the risks of committing our children to our defense. For no matter how many others are
involved in the decision, the President is a lonely man in a dark room when the casualty reports come in.
I am not afraid of the burden. I know both the blessing and the price of freedom.
I am not afraid. I have faith in my country and the good men and women of every American generation who know the honor of defending our cause.
I am not afraid. I learned long ago how powerful America is when she has the courage of her convictions.
I am not afraid. My life has taught me that the strength and courage of others will always help sustain me in an hour of need.
I am not afraid, because I know that, as we prepare to take on the challenges of the next century, enough Americans will serve together a glorious cause greater than our narrow self-interests.
There are have always been those who question the moral imperative of American government and diplomacy. They are profoundly wrong. We embrace the virtues of inclusion in our party and in politics but we hold firm to our core national values.
We are all part of a great experiment: that people who are free to act in their own interests will perceive their interests in an enlightened way, and will gratefully accept the obligation of freedom to make of our wealth and power a civilization for the ages, a civilization in which all people share in the promise of freedom.
I have passed from a young man to an old one in the service of my country. When my time is over, I want only the satisfaction of knowing I was true to the faith of our fathers; true to the faith of a young Czech student who ten
years ago stood before a million of his countrymen, while a hundred thousand Soviet troops occupied his country, and read a manifesto that declared a new day for the people of Czechoslovakia. But he began that new day with borrowed words, when, trembling with emotion, he proclaimed:
"We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."
I want to be President to protect, until my life's end, our magnificent dream of freedom - God's great blessing to the world. And with your help I will.
Thank you.
Following is the text of U.S. Senator John McCain's campaign suspension
March 9, 2000
We knew when we began this campaign that ours was a difficult challenge. Last Tuesday, that challenge became considerably more difficult as a majority of Republican voters made clear that their preference for President is Governor Bush. I respect their decision and I am truly grateful for the distinct privilege of even being considered for the highest office in this, the greatest nation in the history of mankind.
Therefore, I announce today, on this fine Arizona morning, and in this beautiful place, that I am no longer an active candidate for my party's nomination for President. I congratulate Governor Bush and wish him and him family well. He very well may become the next President of the United States. That is an honor accorded to very few, and it is such a great responsibility that he deserves the best wishes of every American. He certainly has mine.
I am suspending my campaign so that Cindy and I can take some time to reflect on our recent experiences, and determine how we can best continue to serve the country, and help bring about the changes to the practices and institutions of our great democracy that are the purpose of our campaign. For we believe these changes are essential to ensuring the continued success of the American experiment, and keeping America in this new century as bright a beacon of hope for mankind as it was in the last.
I hoped our campaign would be a force for change in the Republican Party, and I believe we have indeed set a course that will ultimately prevail in making our party as big as the country we serve. Millions of Americans have rallied to our banner, and their support not just honors me, but has ignited the cause of reform, a cause far greater and more important than the ambitions of any single candidate. I love my party, it is my home. Ours is the party of Lincoln, Roosevelt and Reagan. That is good company for any American to keep. And it is a distinct privilege to serve the same cause that those great Americans dedicated their lives to.
But I am also dedicated to the necessary cause of reform, and I will never walk away from a fight for what I know is right and just for our country. As I said throughout the campaign, what is good for my country, is good for my party. Should our party ever abandon this principle, the American people will rightly abandon us, and we will surely slip into the mists of history, deserving the allegiance of none.
So, I will take our crusade back to the United States Senate, and I will keep fighting to give the government back to the people; to keep our promises to young and old alike by paying our debts, saving Social Security and Medicare, and reforming a tax code that benefits the powerful few at the expense of the many. And with your help, my fellow Americans, we will keep trying to force open doors where there are walls to your full participation in the great enterprises of our democracy; be they walls of cynicism, or intolerance, or walls raised by a self-interested elite who would exclude your voice from their highest councils of our government.
I want to take a final moment to speak to all those who joined our party to support our campaign, many of whom voted in this election for the first time. Thank you. Thank you from the bottom of my heart. Your support means more to me than I can ever say. But I ask from you one last promise. Promise me that you will never give up, that you will continue your service in the worthy cause of revitalizing our democracy. Our crusade will never accomplish all its goals if your voices fall silent in our national debate. You are and always will be the best thing about this campaign, and the best hope for our country's future success. Stay in this fight with us, we need your service as much as ever.
Millions of Americans over the years have by their example showed us that America and her causes are worth dying for. Surely she is worth living for. That is what I ask all of Americans who found in our campaign an expression for their patriotism. I am so proud of you, and so grateful for your company. I have been in my country's service since I was seventeen years old. I neither know nor want any other life, for I can find no greater honor than service. You served your country in this campaign by fighting for the causes that will sustain America's greatness. Keep fighting, my friends, keep fighting. America needs you.
Thank you, my friends, thank you so much for helping me remember what it means to be a public servant in this, the most blessed, and most important nation on earth. It has been the greatest privilege of my life.
Learn More
Bill Bradley 2000 Website
SEE THIS WEBSITE THROUGHOUT THE 2000 CAMPAIGN
Remarks of Bill Bradley On His Withdrawal from the Presidential Race
West Orange, New Jersey
March 9, 2000
I want to begin by expressing my gratitude to thousands of delegates and supporters and friends and staff and others who have truly made this campaign a joyous journey. Especially I want to thank the elected officials who had the courage to follow their ideals and support me in this race and all the young people who infused the campaign with their energy and idealism. All those that I've mentioned have worked hard, took personal and political risks, and given me their trust. That is one of the great gifts of politics. I want to salute all of them for they have been the backbone of this campaign and I will never forget them.
And I especially want to express my appreciation to Ernestine, and I'm glad the country had the chance to get to know her passion and her enthusiasm and her conviction as I've known it throughout our marriage. I want to salute her and I know that she's been a part of this journey in a very deep way, so we're both here today to call it an end.
Following the results on Tuesday night, I have decided to withdraw from the Democratic race for President. And while I am bowing out, I am not releasing the delegates that are on my side. They've been loyal supporters and deserve to have their voices heard.
The Vice President and I had a stiff competition, and he won. I congratulate him. He will be the nominee of the Democratic Party, and I support him in his bid to win the White House. This morning I called him and told him all of that.
It is the tradition of the Democratic Party to fight hard during primaries and then unify and close ranks behind the nominee as soon as the people have spoken. And now it is time for unity.
Democrats know that the offerings of the likely Republican nominee and his party are the opposite of where our country should be headed.
This country needs Democratic leadership, and I will work to ensure a Democratic White House and Congress.
I will also continue to work for a new politics, and for the values I laid out in the campaign. What do I mean by creating a new politics in America? I mean a politics that is not polluted by money; a politics in which leaders speak from their core convictions and not from polls or focus groups; a politics that is about lifting people up not tearing your opponent down; a politics that reflects the best of what is in us as Americans and not the worst; a politics that inspires us all to try to live up to our potential as citizens and human beings.
I'm also talking about a politics that listens more closely to the voices that are not usually heard, a politics that has a special responsibility to leave no one behind. A president is president of all the people, wealthy as well as poor. But a president must listen more closely because the voices of those who have been less fortunate are not as loud and insistent as those who have been more fortunate.
Jefferson once divided politicians into two camps: Those who secretly fear and distrust the people, and think they know better, and those who consider the people the wisest guide of the public interest. That is what the new politics is all about, the oldest instinct in our democracy: Trusting the people.
The values I cherish and laid out in this campaign are embodied in issues such as access to health care for all Americans, elimination of child poverty, bold steps to get guns off our streets, genuine racial unity, education that works for everyone, and fundamental campaign finance reform. These are not and never have been political slogans for me. They are and always have been my convictions, convictions I do not change because an election is won or lost.
What makes this a special moment in America is that we can afford to do all these things now especially since we're living at a time of unprecedented prosperity. And if we did these things we would all be stronger.
As I said the other night, if we don't seize this moment, future generations will judge us harshly and say, "They knew what was wrong, they had the means to make it better and they did not act!"
Abraham Lincoln once wrote that "the cause of liberty must not be surrendered at the end of one or even one hundred defeats." We have been defeated, but the cause for which I ran has not been, the cause of trying to create a new politics in this country, the cause of trying to fulfill our special promise as a nation. That cannot be defeated by one or a hundred defeats.
I want to leave this race the same way I got in. I remember that day at a community development center in Newark, New Jersey, New Community, and the same way I kicked it off in the Fall in my hometown in Crystal City, Missouri. And that is with a minimum of politics as usual and a maximum of respect for the American people and their dreams. I believe these dreams can be the foundation of a new politics that can truly make our country soar.
Thank you very much
Source: Bill Bradley for President Official 2000 Web Site Learn More
Steve Forbes 2000 Web Site
SEE THIS WEBSITE THROUGHOUT THE 2000 CAMPAIGN
Learn More
Remarks by Steve Forbes
Presidential Campaign FIling Announcement
Tuesday, March 16, 1999
On-line at Forbes2000.com
Hello, I’m Steve Forbes.
Today, I’m happy to announce the beginning of my campaign for President of the United States of America.
Today marks the beginning of a national crusade to restore Ronald Reagan’s vision of hope and prosperity for all Americans.
I don’t believe in business as usual — and I surely don’t believe in politics as usual.
This is going to be a new, Information-Age campaign about great ideas and enduring values.
I’m going to run the first full-scale presidential campaign in American history on the Internet — because I want you to be involved every step of the way.
First, I’d like to tell you all some things about myself.
I’m the grandson of an immigrant from Scotland.
When my grandfather came to this country at the turn of the century, he came only with a dream, because he had practically no money.
He worked very hard to create a magazine about people building the greatest economy on the face of the planet. My brothers and I learned the business from our father, just as he learned it from his father.
When I became CEO years later, my goal was to keep Americans on the cutting edge of the new, Information-Age economy.
To that end, we launched new magazines that tell the story of the people building America’s small businesses and high-tech industries, creating jobs and unleashing opportunity. And we started a cutting-edge new web-site, forbes.com (Forbes Digital Tool).
Today, you and I are heading into a new century and a new millennium.
We face different challenges than our grandparents faced — but they’re real...they’re serious... and if we don’t get them right our children are going to pay the price.
Take the global economic crisis that’s raging around the world. Wherever you look — Russia, Asia, Brazil — economies are in deep trouble and people are suffering. We can’t ignore that.
America cannot afford to be an island of prosperity in an ocean of poverty.
We live in a new economic era — we live in a world that’s linked together by travel, by trade — and, obviously, by the Internet.
When people around the world can’t afford to buy more corn, and wheat and other farm products, guess who suffers? Americans — especially American farmers.
When people in Asia can produce steel at rock bottom prices because their currencies are virtually worthless, guess who suffers? Americans.
What happens if Russia’s economy continues to collapse? What are the political implications of a nuclear-armed nation in economic and political chaos?
And what about the increasingly troublesome and dangerous behavior of China?
These are serious questions as we enter a new century.
Here at home, what about Social Security?
Do you trust the politicians to protect your money and your retirement in the next century?
Are you going to let the Clinton-Gore Administration keep raiding the Social Security Trust Fund to pay for more big government spending?
Do you know what astounds me — more young people believe in UFOs than believe that they’re going to collect Social Security when they retire.
And what about our tax system? It’s an abomination. It’s too complex, too corrupt — it’s a playground for special interest lawyers, lobbyists and lifetime politicians. Sure, the special interests, the politically well-connected, and the Washington political class get all kinds of tax breaks and loopholes.
But what about you?
Can you afford to hire all kinds of big shot lobbyists to carve out a tax break for yourself?
Of course not.
That’s why we need an honest, simple new tax code for a new century – one that will put real money back into the pockets of working families.
And what about other issues that you face every day?
Are your kids going to schools that are getting them ready to really compete and succeed in the Information-Age economy? Who should control our schools — government or parents? Do you have the freedom to choose doctors you trust and specialists you need?
No, and I don’t think that's right — and I want to change that.
You see, I believe that you and I are on the verge of the greatest era of economic freedom and spiritual renewal the world has ever seen.
It’s an age of opportunity — the likes of which our grandparents never even dreamed possible. And everyone is getting ready for it — except Washington.
You and I are entering the Information-Age — and the Washington politicians are stuck in the Stone Age.
The problem is: the Washington politicians don’t get it. They’re wholly owned subsidiaries of the status quo. They have no intention of giving you back your freedom, your money — or the unalienable right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
And I think we can do better. I think it’s time to give every American the freedom to participate in this new era of prosperity.
Now, the central questions of the Year 2000 campaign clearly are these:
Do you trust the establishment politicians to protect your economic security and give you more freedom and more control over your own life?
Do you trust them to defend your values, and protect the first and most important freedom of every child — the freedom to be born?
Do you trust them to confront the atrocities in China, end Saddam Hussein’s reign of terror, and deploy a real missile defense system to protect our children?
Do you trust other politicians to clean out the corruption and sleaze of the Clinton-Gore Administration?
Do they have a plan and a passion to give you and your family a real stake in the American Dream — or are they just politicians seeking power?
You know, some people run for President to be something.
I’m running for President to do something — for you, the American people.
That’s why today — with the love and support of my wife and my best friend, Sabina, and our five wonderful daughters — I have filed papers that begin the process of running for President of the United States of America.
So stay tuned to our on-line campaign headquarters — Forbes2000.Com — for daily updates and news of our formal campaign announcement coming up in a few months.
Source: Steve Forbes for President 2000 Web Site
Gary Bauer 2000 Web Site
SEE THIS WEBSITE THROUGHOUT THE 2000 CAMPAIGN
Gary Bauer's National Report:
April 21, 1999
BAUER ANNOUNCES CANDIDACY
(Speech Text)
NEWPORT, KENTUCKY - Gary Bauer, one of the most widely respected conservatives in America, today officially threw his hat into the ring for the 2000 Republican presidential nomination. Bauer made the announcement this morning in his hometown high school alma mater here in this blue-collar community one mile from Cincinnati.
The following is a transcript of Bauer's delivered remarks:
I want to thank everybody that worked together to make this morning possible. I think you can imagine what I was going through the last couple of weeks anticipating it, wondering if anyone back in Newport, Kentucky, my hometown, back in Newport High School - Go Wildcats! - whether anybody would really care that I was running for the Presidency of the United States.
I want to begin by thanking all the local officials that have helped make this morning possible - the mayor, the principal of this school have helped to the Nth degree. The good people on this platform today - former Governor Nunn, I am honored by all your involvement and grateful to each and every one of you. I assured the principal that because of his hard work, I will return the library book.
I don't know if you had a chance yet to meet my family formally, if they will please stand - my wife Carol, my daughter Sarah, my daughter Elyse, my son Zachary, and my mother Betty Bauer. And I believe we also have several other family members here, people I seldom see and wish that I saw more often. Cousins, second cousins, and I believe my Aunt Jewel is here - thank you. My aunt is recovering from a stroke and for her to be here is a very special thing. So I want to say to each and every one of you that I love you and the fact that you are all here means more to me than you'll ever know - God bless you all. I also want to thank Tete Turner, my old friend from Newport for that wonderful introduction.
I came here this morning with a fairly typical political speech. The kind of speech that many people will be giving in the weeks ahead as they decide whether to run for the Presidency of the United States or not. And that speech has been given to members of the press and there were a number of them that flew with us on the plane this morning and we have given each of them a copy of the speech. I want to make it clear that I stand behind every word of it.
In that speech I talk about the need to have lower taxes on the American family. About the need to downsize government and the need to get bureaucracy off the backs of the American people. I talk about us having an American foreign policy that we can be proud of again. A foreign policy that recognizes that China is in fact going to be the major challenge that we face in the next century. I talk about the need to rebuild America's defenses -- so that the young people here today can live in a secure country and have their families and bring their children into the world. I talk about all the issues that are going to be central to this campaign.
But last night, along with probably every American, I watched the news. I read the headlines this morning and I decided that given what happen yesterday in America, the speech I intended to give today would not have risen to the occasion.
We saw yesterday at another high school in another state in the union. American children dead. Not in Kosovo, but in Colorado. And it has been a site that we have seen too often in this country. A site that breaks our hearts. A site that has us asking ourselves "What happened to America, and what are we going to do about it?" And it is because of the things that happened in places like Littleton, Colorado, that I am here today, that I have been involved in politics, that I want to have something to say about our country and where it is going.
So I have thrown out the speech I intended to give. Instead, I want to talk to you about this country, just a few months away from a new century, and I want to ask you to join with me in asking ourselves whether or not America can still be a shining city on a hill or whether we are going to continue to sink into the despair, the violence and the death that all too often fills our television sets.
You know for the last 99 years in this country, this incredible century we've been in, America has been able to do unbelievable things. We were able to lead the free world twice to defeat the great isms of this century - Nazism in WWII. My father talked about that war, sometimes around the dinner table. He told me unbelievable things that he saw. He told me unbelievable things that he had to do in service to his country. And that war was over and men like my dad came home, perhaps some of you or your relatives, and they just wanted to begin their careers and their jobs and their families. But before they could do that we found ourselves challenged again.
This time in that great stare-down with the Soviet Union and communist China that came to be known as the Cold War. And once again, good and decent people, like those here today, rose to the occasion. We drew a line in the sand in Europe and in Asia and we said to the Communists "this far and no further. We will be the watchmen on the tower for liberty. We will make the sacrifices that need to be made."
We spent a lot of money to win the Cold War, but we did something else much more important than that. We sent young men from places like Newport and Bellevue and Dayton and Fort Thomas and from communities all across this country and we sent them to places like Pork Chop Hill and Denang and Kaysung. And there are many of them, blood of our blood, flesh of our flesh that paid the ultimate price for liberty. When the history books are written for this century, they will record that what our sons did was one of the most noble sacrifices that the world has ever seen. They didn't do it for money, or for power, or for prestige, they did it for someone else's liberty. It was a noble thing, it was an important thing, and it was what America has always done.
And it's not just that our military has prevailed in this century, our values have prevailed. American values are sweeping the globe. That's why ten years ago when students much like those of you here today stood up against their communist masters in China. That's why they waved copies of our Declaration of Independence. They had never been here before. They had not seen America, but they knew that it was our founding principles that were the only hope for them if they wanted to be free men and women. Many of those students died in that square waving the copy of our Declaration of Independence.
Our technology this century is second to none. Our space program is the wonder of the world. One accomplishment after another. The historians are calling this the American Century. It's not an exaggeration, it is the American century.
But you and I know that in spite of all those accomplishments. In spite of a Dow Jones Industrial average over 10,000, a growing economy, in spite of all those things to our credit, you and I know there is something wrong in America.
You open up the same newspapers I do every morning. Americans all over the country read the same stories. Maybe they see the story out of Jasper, Texas where a black man was dragged to his death by a couple of thugs only because he was black. All the human rights laws, the affirmative action laws, all the things we have tried to do and still in our country this hate that divides us from one anther.
You probably opened up the newspaper as I did a year ago and saw that story out of New Jersey. About a nice American suburban girl who went to her Junior prom, excused herself and went to the ladies room, where she gave birth and threw her baby into the trashcan, cleaned herself, went back into the dance, and had the last dance with her boyfriend. I saw that story and the first question that came to my mind "Where did a nice suburban girl, where did she get taught to treat her own flesh and blood like a styrofoam cup? What was the poisoned air she had to breathe to think that that was okay?"
Maybe you open up the newspaper and see names of little American cities you have never heard of before. Places like Paducha, Kentucky, Jonesboro, Arkansas, Pearl, Mississippi, and yesterday, Littleton, Colorado. Where American kids have killed American kids. I remember when the story broke out of Jonesboro, Arkansas; I was on the road someplace. I remember the immediate anger I felt towards those two boys. I imagined the hard look you expect to see on criminals. I saw their picture on the news that night. They looked just like my son Zachary or the kid he plays with down the street. I read the next morning how one of the boys could be heard in his jail cell all night long calling for his mother.
How do you explain that? How do you explain kids using other kids for target practice? Only a few hours later he is just another eleven year old calling for his mother. Why are these things happening in our country? What are we going to do about it? Why does the political leadership in Washington never talk about it? Why do they only give us platitudes? Why do they act like character doesn't matter? That reliable standards of right and wrong don't count. Why do they spend all of their time talking about money instead of about the heart and soul of our country?
Ladies and gentleman, you can measure a great nation in a lot of different ways. You can measure it by the strength of its military, the growth of its economy, the gleam of its cities. We are a great nation by those measurements and many, many others. But you can also measure a nation by how many of its families are broken, by how big its virtue deficit is, how many of its children cry themselves to sleep at night.
The fact of the matter is that tonight in Northern Kentucky and all over America too many of our children are crying themselves to sleep. Too many children without a father's arms to comfort them, too many children exploited by sex or drugs or pornography, too man children that have bought into the popular culture's song that if it feels good do it. By those measurements, this country is in danger of becoming something much less than a great, great nation.
If we continue on this path, the young men and women that you see in this room today will not be able to live in a country they can be proud of, they will not be able to bring children into the world and raise them well, will not be have a chance to live in a shining city on a hill. And I am here to tell you that I will devote every ounce of my energy to make sure that every child in America has the choice that every one of you and I have had. This country can be better than it is today and I intend to make it better.
What happened to our country and what are we together going to do about it?
I'd like to suggest to you that one of the things that has happened is that there are too many people in the elites of America, in Hollywood, on Wall Street, and in Washington D.C. Too many people that have forgotten that our liberty comes from God and not from any man.
Ladies and gentleman, that's why the founding fathers called us a shining city on a hill. A Biblical phrase that was meant to send a signal to the people of a new nation that this place will be different. That's why our money says "In God We Trust." That's why Lincoln called us the almost chosen people. And yet in spite of the fact that all the Founding Fathers knew that a miracle could only make it if it had God's blessings, in spite of that, there is an America today that's never been more secular.
When I grew up in Newport, Kentucky, with all of the problems that it had - the crime, the gambling, the open prostitution, the tough corners that were dangerous to walk down at night-in spite of all of those things in Newport High School, we could still pray every morning if we wanted to.
And now right here in Cameron County and in the back of Cincinnati, the American Civil Liberties Union files lawsuits fearful that some child in Northern Kentucky might accidentally see the Ten Commandments on display in their school. We've got drive-by shootings, babies in trash cans, out of wed-lock births, the American family under fire, and the ACLU is wondering if some child in America may be reminded where their liberty come from. I say to the ACLU - pack it up and go back to where you came from; we don't need you here.
My friends the second thing that has gone wrong with this country is that we have created a culture of death. It's in our movies, it's in our music. Our kids are exposed to it a hundred times a day and they may not even realize it. Our culture glorifies death in a thousand different ways. We've got Dr. Death in Michigan, that says that the best we can do for the aging, the sick, the handicapped is to put them out of their misery. We sum that up as some sort of hero. We have movies and television shows that show someone dying as if it were something that was as simple as the sun coming up in the morning.
Children enter kindergarten and by the time they graduate from high school they have been bombarded with thousands murders on their television sets. I think about all those people in Hollywood. They must be laughing all the way to the bank. Picking out movies and music that glorify killing - that glorify killing the innocent. In the America that I want, those Hollywood producers and directors would not be able to show their faces in public because you and every other American would go up to them and say "shame, shame, shame on you for what you have done to American culture."
I want to touch on an issue that perhaps not all of you will agree on, but I am not going to go away from this issue or ignore it because I believe it is a symbol of the culture of death we have here in America. Twenty-six years ago, the highest court in this land did an incredible thing. They issued a Supreme Court decision that really boils down to one simple and profoundly evil idea. They said that our unborn children have no rights that the rest of us were bound to respect.
And when they made that decision, they unleashed on America an unbelievable event that undermines who we are and what we believe. Every year in America, over one and a half million babies never have the opportunity to take their first breath of life.
Ladies and gentleman we are better than this. This is not some third world dictatorship or some backwater country where life is cheap. This is America - a shining city on a hill. We have always welcomed people here. We have always said that if you are a citizen, you matter. We have always had a place for those who are weak, for those who were defenseless. We must find a place for those children.
I just saw a headline here, an unbelievable article. Right here across the river in Cincinnati, an unbelievable thing happened just a little while ago. In the process of getting a partial-birth abortion, a 22-week old baby was born alive. The abortion failed. It didn't provide the outcome it was supposed to. It didn't bring a dead baby out into the world; it brought one out alive. One of the nurses held the baby in her arms for three hours before it died. They named it Baby Hope. And they watched that baby die in a nurse's arms. The doctors and nurses are in counseling now still overwhelmed from the horror they saw.
What type of operation in America would cause a doctor or a nurse to be in counseling? Ladies and gentleman, there has got to be room in America for Baby Hope. I don't care what the polls say. When I make my decision to do what I want to do politically, I will never sacrifice one American child born or unborn - you can count on it!
In 1861, Abraham Lincoln stood on the steps of Independence Hall to speak of this very principle that has kept America united through our darkest nights, and continues to inspire men and women everywhere. He said it was that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence giving life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness not alone to the people of this country, but hope to all the world, for all future time. The promise that in due time, the weights would be lifted from the shoulders of all men, and that all should have an equal chance. This is the sentiment embodied in the Declaration…and he said, "I would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender it."
And Lincoln did give his life for his country. In fact, from the moment the first musket shot was fired in the Revolutionary War at Concord Bridge, Americans have fought, and if necessary died, for what we believe is right. Today, those of us not called onto the battlefield can still fight for America in our daily lives. And, we can send leaders to Washington who share the vision and virtues embodied by our Founding Fathers.
I believe it is time to end the betrayal of our first principles. I believe it is time to begin advancing American values again.
I am asking fellow citizens all across our land to join this great cause. Together, we can do so much. In the words of Thomas Paine, "We have it in our power to begin the world over again."
We can be an America that honors our families, reveres their values, and provides them room to grow and prosper, to build a future as big as their dreams.
We can be an America that no longer shuns its children and denies their humanity, but opens its heart and homes and welcomes them into the world.
And we can stand as a mighty force for good against evil because across this earth there is no greater force for good than America, as one nation, under God, with liberty and justice for all.
I still believe we can make America a special place: a city on a hill where children grow up understanding that right and wrong matter and character counts… a nation where virtue isn't seen as hopelessly old fashioned, but something to be treasured and passed on from generation to generation…a country where women who choose a career as wife and mother aren't looked down upon and seen as behind the times…and a place where criminals are behind bars again - and Americans no longer live behind barred windows.
These are the things I am about.
These are the values I think are important.
This is the good fight I am ready to wage with heart and soul.
And that is why I am proud to stand here today, in Newport, Kentucky, to ask for your strength and support, as I announce my candidacy for the Republican nomination to be President of the United States.
I will not hedge on any issue. I will not be guided by polls that show what would be best for me. I will be guided by the principle of what is best for America.
And I will run to win. I will compete in every state. And I will reach out to every citizen. Starting here. Starting now.
Thank you very much. God bless you and God bless America.
Source: Gary Bauer for President Official 2000 Campaign Web Site Learn More
Orrin Hatch 2000 Web Site
SEE THIS WEBSITE THROUGHOUT THE 2000 CAMPAIGN
Learn More
Elizabeth Dole 2000 Web Site
SEE THIS WEBSITE THROUGHOUT THE 2000 CAMPAIGN
Learn More
Pat Buchanan 2000 Web Site
SEE THIS WEBSITE THROUGHOUT THE 2000 CAMPAIGN
Learn More
Dan Quayle 2000 Web Site
SEE THIS WEBSITE THROUGHOUT THE 2000 CAMPAIGN
Learn More
Remarks Announcing Candidacy
The Battle For Our Values Begins Today
Thank you very much. Thank you. I accept your nomination.
Thank you for that warm Huntington welcome. And thank you to Senator Dan Coats, my very dear friend. I only wish that he were still in the United States Senate. What a special day. What a fantastic welcome. This is the heart of America.
Huntington is where I brought my young bride, Marilyn, back here in 1974. I graduated from Huntington High School. I began my career here. I became a father here. I taught business law at Huntington College. We started the law firm of Quayle and Quayle, and I want to be clear about this. My best friend in life, the love of my life, my political confidante for all these years, my wife Marilyn was the senior partner of that law firm.
I first ran for Congress in 1976. I ran against a man who also was from Huntington, a fine gentleman. The experts at that time, they said I didn’t have a chance. And I said to the experts, “Watch me,” and we won.
In 1980 I ran for the United States Senate. And again the experts said, “You can’t win.” They said, “Birch Bayh, he beat Dick Lugar, Bill Ruckelshaus; you can’t win.” And again, I said to the experts, “Watch me,” and we won.
Eight years later, I came back to Huntington as George Bush’s running mate. At that time, some in the media have told me in recent days that they didn’t feel that welcome in Huntington. Well, today is a new day, a new campaign, and let’s turn around and give a rousing welcome to the national media.
And in 1988 at one time we were behind 17 points, and we won again.
Every campaign that begins in Huntington results in victory.
Today I announce that I will seek and I will win the presidency of the United States of America.
Here is why I am running.
This last century, we have seen a lot of wars, we have seen financial distress. This next century, with the right leadership, hopefully we can have peace and prosperity. And to have peace and prosperity, not just for Americans, but for all the world. That should be our goal. Today, America is the undisputed superpower. We have climbed a high mountain over these last 200 years to attain that responsibility of being the world’s only superpower.
There is no doubt about it that today America is number one militarily, economically, scientifically, technologically. But you know, even though we are number one, we know that something is missing. Something fundamentally isn’t quite there.
We are coming to the end of a dishonest decade of Bill Clinton and Al Gore. My friends, it is time that we work to reclaim the values that made America great in the first place. Values like respect, responsibility, courage, patriotism, integrity.
Respect. Parents should respect their children. And the children should respect their parents.
Responsibility. Shoulder the burden of being good citizens.
Courage. Have the courage of your convictions. Stand up for what you believe in.
Integrity. Always tell the truth.
Patriotism. Love your country. Believe in our God.
In your hearts, you know that prosperity without values is no prosperity at all. We must have the courage to lead, the courage to change, the courage to believe in ourselves. And I’m here to tell you that I will lead the fight for our values and for our families.
America today is divided over what is right and what is wrong. There is a cultural divide.
Some that are leading this country today, unfortunately, still adhere to the culture of the 1960s that said, “If it feels good, just do it.” Some of the self-anointed are saying that truth can be compromised. They will say that people of faith are fanatics, that people that believe in the sanctity of life are extremists, and that people who are patriotic are just old-fashioned.
This divide could not be more evident than on the day that Bill Clinton was impeached by the House of Representatives. My friends, on that day that Bill Clinton was impeached, his vice president, Al Gore, said this: That Bill Clinton will go down in history as one of America’s greatest presidents.
What arrogance. What disdain for the values that parents are trying to teach their children. What contempt for the rule of law. This shall not stand. Starting in this town, in this place, at this hour, we will fight back.
I know and you know that values matter most. Because God has written on our hearts the difference between what is right and what is wrong, between justice and injustice, between good and bad. Yet, the self-anointed, they will tell us, “Don’t talk about values.” Even some in my party say we shouldn’t address the issue of values and virtues because it might be risky or divisive.
I ask you, what is the greatest challenge facing America today? Is it jobs, or is it values? It is values; of course it is.
Leadership is not just a popularity contest. Leadership is doing what is right for the American people. Telling the truth may not be easy, but it’s always the right thing to do.
And I can tell you, when you tell the truth, you’ll be controversial sometimes. You may recall the speech that I made in May of 1992 titled “The Poverty of Values.” I made a speech in California on the poverty of values, and I lamented the fact that too many of our children are born into homes without fathers. And the point I made was that raising a child is not just a mother’s responsibility; it is a father’s responsibility too. And I did make a reference to a particular TV sitcom. And I made that reference because I want to work with popular culture to get them to help us. We shouldn’t celebrate the idea of fathers abandoning their children. That is wrong. It is wrong for fathers to not pay attention and to help raise their children.
And when you speak the truth, ultimately you will win. Remember, Murphy Brown is gone and I’m still here fighting for the American family.
It’s time to recognize and to appreciate the contribution and the importance of the great middle class of America. The middle class is the bedrock of our community. The middle class, you are the ones that work hard. You play by the rules. You pay your fair share of taxes. You’re involved in your communities, trying to make your community better. You are the ones that make America great.
But today, there is a middle-class tax squeeze. The middle class is working harder than ever before. And many feel that they aren’t getting ahead. We have an economy that works seven-days-a-week, 24-hours-a-day. You work hard. You miss dinners. You miss breakfasts. Sometimes you skip your child’s play at school. You come home in the evening and you’re exhausted.
Why? Why are you exhausted and stressed? The reason is you are paying too much taxes. You are being overtaxed. And wouldn’t it be nice if the politicians in Washington would just say that we have overtaxed you, and it’s time that you keep more of your hard-earned money.
Today it takes two incomes what it used to just take one. Two parents are working today, not just because of choice, that’s fine; but because of economic survival.
Look at the taxes you pay today, direct taxes and indirect taxes. You pay taxes throughout your whole life. You pay local taxes, state taxes, federal taxes, car taxes, utility taxes, sales taxes, gas taxes, excise taxes, phone taxes, water taxes. I could go on and on and on, and then, after you pay all these taxes when you are alive, you have the audacity to die, and you pay another 55 percent in death taxes.
My friends, it is time for a real tax cut. It is time to cut the tax rates 30 percent across the board. And let me be clear about this. It is time to get rid of the death taxes in America and the grim reapers of the IRS.
Every tax hike takes away your freedom. Every regulation takes away your freedom. When government gets bigger, it takes away your freedom. We are losing our freedoms and we don’t even know it. And I’m here to tell you I will fight for our freedom.
Freedom to keep more of your money. Freedom to choose your own doctor when you’re sick. Freedom from government discrimination. Freedom to study and respect your heritage. Freedom to start your own business. Freedom to send your child to a good school.
Excellence in education is absolutely critical to our future. We need to have the courage to challenge the education bureaucrats. We need to have the courage to put our children first. We need to have the courage to say that we should pay the good teachers more and weed out those teachers that don’t come up to our standards.
It’s time that we move forward to the basics — the three R’s, reading, writing, and arithmetic. I’ll throw two more R’s in there, respect and responsibility, too. No more fuzzy math, where four plus three feels like seven; it is seven. No more creative spelling, either. I’ve tried that; it doesn’t work.
Freedom begins with a 30 percent tax cut. The ruling class won’t like this. They will say that you don’t want it. They will say the people don’t want a tax cut. They’re wrong.
They will say that we have to save the surplus for 30 years. Hello — Washington is going to save a surplus for 30 years? They can’t save it for 30 seconds.
I will appoint a secretary of treasury, someone who comes from the growth wing of the Republican Party. Someone who understands that tax cuts will create more jobs, that when you give people incentives there will be more productivity. Because we can grow this economy more.
Why not harness the prosperity we have today and grow it even more? Because some people are being left behind. Many in the middle class are being left behind. The poor are being left behind. The underclass is being left behind. And if we have the courage to cut taxes we will grow this economy more and no one will be left behind.
When I left the White House, the United States was clearly the undisputed superpower. But we were more than that. The American president and the office of the American presidency had the moral authority to lead, to make decisions. Nobody ever questioned our credibility to lead. Nobody ever questioned our commitment to do what is right for America. No one ever suggested that we would sacrifice national security for campaign cash donations.
Today, the White House looks a lot different.
When I traveled the world as vice president, I was in 47 different countries. I met with all the heads of state and the people in those countries. And not one time, not one time did I ever hear any criticism because America was too strong. They always said, “We want America to be involved, we want America to lead.”
And I can tell you they had respect not just for who was the president at that time, but they had respect for the office of the American presidency. That’s the way it should be.
And look at the situation today, my friends. Look at the situation today where we have depleted our armed forces. We are asking our armed forces to do more with less. The ships in the Navy over this last decade have been reduced from 600 to 300. Air wings in the Air Force have been reduced from 36 to 18. Divisions in the Army have been reduced from 18 to 9.
America must lead. We must reject the idea of isolationism. I am an internationalist, and I will assume international responsibilities. But that doesn’t mean that we should get involved in every civil war around the world.
In my debate with Al Gore in Atlanta 1992, I raised this question for the American people to think about. I said at that time some day, someplace, there will be an international crisis. And the question was, who do you want to manage that crisis? I didn’t think of Kosovo at that time, but that’s where the situation is today. Because we do have a crisis in the Balkans. Today there are no good options because of mistake after mistake, miscalculation after miscalculation.
But once the commander in chief makes the decision, we will support our military. We will support the men and women who wear the uniform. And we will pray for them and we will support them and we hope they come home safely.
I’ve been there when these decisions have been made. And the way it works is that you work with a very small group. You have your vice president there, the secretary of state, the secretary of defense, the national security adviser, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. It’s a very small group. And you talk about what you’re going to do. And the question we always ask: What is right for America, what is in our best interests?
And once the discussions are concluded, it comes down to the decision of one person, the president of the United States. It is an awesome responsibility, it is an awesome challenge. And foreign policy is serious business. You have to pay attention to it. You have to take time to know the world and to know what the issues are.
And let me be very clear about this. When we left the White House, we had a tremendous record of accomplishment in foreign policy. Communism was assigned to the ash heap of history. The Cold War was won. Germany was reunited. The Berlin Wall came down. Apartheid was eliminated in South Africa. Noriega was apprehended in Panama, and we saved democracy in the Philippines.
We handed this administration the most favorable foreign policy cards of any administration since World War II. And unfortunately, one by one by one, they have frittered them away. Today, I will tell you, if I’m your president, never will our armed forces report to the secretary general of the United Nations. Our armed forces will always report to the commander in chief of the United States of America.
I intend to make foreign policy an issue in this presidential campaign. We do not need another president who needs on-the-job training. We can ill afford to have another president who has inexperience when it comes to foreign policy.
You can only get so much from briefing books and crash courses. You need experience.
Today, I can look you in the eye and assure you on day one I will be prepared to lead this great nation of ours.
As we stand and are seated in this gymnasium, let us be mindful of the movie “Hoosiers,” a great movie. Remember that movie? Milan High School came from behind and won the state championship. They beat the big shots. They were the underdogs. They beat all the big names. If they had taken a poll in those days, they would have said, “Milan High School, you can’t win.” But they did.
Why did they win? Because they worked hard. They worked together. They were determined. They were focused. And they prevailed. And they won, and I’ll win.
In life, it’s not a question of whether you’re going to get knocked down or not. You will. The question is are you ready to get back up, and willing to get back up, and fight for what you believe in? And I am.
The presidency is not to be inherited. The presidency will not be bought. It must be earned, and I intend to earn it.
You’ve now heard what I have to say; I want to hear what you have to say. I will fight for your values. Will you stand with me?
I will fight for lower taxes. Will you stand with me?
I will fight for your freedom. Will you stand with me?
I will fight to return honor and respect to the Oval Office. Will you stand with me?
This campaign is for you. You’ve heard so many candidates come and say, “Believe in the candidates.” I’m here to say I believe in you. I believe in your dreams, in your hopes, and in your future.
The battle for our families and our future begins today. Working together we will prevail. We will make America a better place to live.
Thank you. God bless you, and God bless America.
A Message from Vice President Dan Quayle...
Dear Friends:
My departure from the presidential race was the most difficult decision I've ever made, but I'm convinced it was the right one. As I said when I announced my decision, there is a time to stay and a time to fold; a time to know when to leave the stage.
Although this is a moment of disappointment, I am very grateful: grateful to the thousands of Americans who have given their time, their energy, and financial and prayerful support; grateful to the old friends who have stood by us and to the new friends we've made throughout the country. For both Marilyn and myself, our supporters have made this a tremendous, uplifting experience from day one.
This is the end of a campaign, not a cause. I am going to stay in the arena. As John Adams said, our obligations to our country cease only with our lives. I am still young, fortunate to have plenty of stamina and good health, and blessed with a loving family and friends across America. I called my latest book Worth Fighting For because our values, our ideals, our country are worth fighting for. That's exactly what I'm going to do. Please keep in touch, and I'll see you again.
Sincerely,
Dan Quayle
Alan Keyes 2000 Web Site
SEE THIS WEBSITE THROUGHOUT THE 2000 CAMPAIGN
Learn More
A Message from Alan
Transcript of Announcement Speech in Iowa on September 20, 1999
Dr. Keyes: Thank you, please have a seat. Thank you all for coming. I want first to make it very clear that the purpose of bringing you all together tonight is to clarify, if there had been any doubt in anybody's mind, that I am seeking and do intend to pursue the Republican nomination for President of the United States. (applause, cheering) I gather that there have been some efforts on the part of some folks around the state to try to muddy the waters of that, and I do want to spend a minute or two explaining exactly why I think that it is critical that the effort that we have been involved with continue, and why I believe that in spite of all the hype to the contrary, it is vitally important that it be successful. Cause after all is said and done, in the media right now, the folks who are bidding to usurp the role of the voters of this country, this election has already been declared over. We know who is going to represent the Republican Party according to these folks, and that in spite of the fact that a lot of the indications that they have out there, including these polls they take, I remember I appeared just recently on one of these news programs, Bernie Shaw or whoever it is, and at one point he asked me about standing in the polls. And I allowed as how a lot of these polls aren't even bothering to put my name forward, and so forth. And we got into a little back and forth about which ones they were. I thought it was ironic that within two or three days there was a little article in the newspaper about a poll that had been taken in New Hampshire. And they listed all these candidates and what they supposedly got in this poll, and sort of two-thirds of the way down the article they had an apology from the pollster cause they had inadvertently left out Alan Keyes. That was not inadvertence at all, it is the sad truth about the danger that we are facing right now, as a country and the danger I believe we face politically speaking within the ranks of the Republican Party. I think that this election, among other things, is about deciding as I have often said to audiences around this state, whether or not this republic, this system of self-government, is going to survive. Right now one of the dangers to that system of self-government is that the actual system of elections is being replaced by a system in which money and media will dominate instead of the votes of the people. (applause) If we stand back and allow that system to determine the outcome, then the republic is already dead, and we are already disenfranchised. And the whole aim of this system is so to demoralize people at the grass roots that they no longer care, try, or in any way to endeavor to make sure that their real views and interests are represented in our government and our political system. I do not believe that we can afford to surrender to that mentality, and I will not surrender to it. (applause) Whatever anybody cares to say, not a single vote has been cast in a single primary or caucus anywhere in these United States and until the people have had their say, there is no election result. (applause)
And I also, I want to make it clear though that I don't believe that from the point of view of those of us who share a heart for the renewal of America's moral foundations and characters, I don't want you to feel that this is going to be an easy road. I have never in any of my talks or speeches around the State of Iowa promised that to anybody. We are engaged in a life or death struggle for the soul of the United States . Those who have been over the course of many decades, attempting to subvert the moral foundations of this Republic's life are not in any mood to retreat from the field. And instead we see seeds of confusion and backtracking, even amongst the leadership of those who ought to be speaking for the heart of moral conservative America. I see the confusion everywhere. Folks whom I had at one point felt we could trust implicitly, particularly on issues that had to do with our moral principles, and now I don't know where they are. One of the individuals I never thought would enter into that category and now has done so is Pat Buchanan. And I say that not because he's changed his stand on any important issue of any kind, not explicitly. But I do have to wonder how anyone who is committed to the moral conservative agenda could consider for one moment moving from a party where we are battling to maintain the pro-life stance into a party where moral indifference has been the hallmark since they were founded. This makes no sense whatsoever. (applause)
I want to make it clear that I will not abandon the grass roots people of the Republican Party. I will not abandon their views, I will not abandon their heart, and I will not abandon the field and leave them with no choice whatsoever. (applause) We need, we need in the months ahead, leadership that will not equivocate with the major issues that confront us as a people, and especially with the issue of whether or not we will restore and rebuild the moral foundations of this nation's life. If we've learned anything in the course of the last several years, we have learned that that moral crisis is already having consequences that have devastated the integrity of our national institutions. Our presidency now lies under a cloud of humiliation and shame that is the direct result of the loss of our moral compass and our moral principles. We will not restore the integrity of these institutions by running away from the issues that are poisoning our moral conscience. We will not restore the integrity of our institutions by following leaders who when asked whether or not the pro-life position will be a litmus test for the appointment of judges to the Supreme Court, begin their answer by telling the American people they want to be vague about that. We cannot be vague about this nation's commitment to its moral principles. We cannot be vague about our insistence that those moral principles will be applied and respected in the interpretation of the most fundamental document of our life. We cannot afford candidates who will equivocate and who will vacillate and who will temporize with those things which are needed to influence and shape the conscience and heart of our people. Right now if we are to restore this nation's integrity, we will need to have leaders with the courage to look the American people in the eye and challenge them to return their own hearts to their proper allegiance to those principles which see our rights coming not from the Constitution and not from the Bill of Rights, and not from the courts and not from the legislatures, but from the Hand of Almighty God. (applause) And I believe, as I have believed since I first stood up in the presidential context several years ago, that it's not just a matter of making it clear that you take positions that are consonant with the views of moral conservatives on this issue or that. What we are fighting for in the Republican Party right now, we are fighting for the priority that must be given to these moral concerns. If they are put behind the issues of economics, put behind the issues of national sovereignty, put behind the issues of education, it's because the folks who are addressing those issues don't really understand what is at their heart. For in every area where we are faced with challenges, where we deal with crises, where we have to confront consequences that are bad and tragic, we can trace the roots of those challenges and crises to the loss of our moral integrity, our moral character, our moral judgment. We will not as a people have the confidence we need to reclaim our proper role as the self-governing and sovereign people of these United States until we have restored the moral sovereignty of our people. And I believe that there is no voice being raised in this primary season, right now, that has the integrity to stand without exception for that priority, unequivocally, everywhere, always, so that there will be a clear choice in favor of that priority that this country so desperately needs.
I have thought about this for a long time. And as some of you know, even to the I think dismay of some of my supporters here and elsewhere, I did not feel that I could simply step forward in disregard of some of the other folks who were standing forward and might very well, I hoped, have been people who could raise this standard. I have been disappointed to see that in many instances, we have some obviously who came forward for whatever reason and then decided that they would abandon the Republican fold. I will not follow them. I believe that the Republican Party's heritage is the heritage of moral principle, and we must fight to restore the party's allegiance to that heritage, not just in its grass roots heart, but in its leadership. And I will not abandon that fight. (applause)
But I am also not willing, I am also not willing, whatever the advice of some, to act as if it is possible to play games of expediency with this election challenge. I believe that the message that I must deliver and that must in good conscience be delivered everywhere, to every group, whatever their concerns, is the clear and unequivocal understanding that at the top of this nation's agenda comes the need to address the moral crisis that is destroying our people. Nothing is more important than that, and I will not pretend that it is. (applause) And I have listened carefully. I have watched the speeches. I have heard as people go from place to place, and one of the things that dismays me is that there is not a single candidate in this race who has not chosen from time to time to step back from that clear platform of priority, as if it is possible to go before a group that has economic or agricultural or other concerns, and leave at the door one's understanding of the real challenge that faces us all as Americans. I will not leave that challenge behind, not for the sake of expediency, not for the sake of calculation, because I believe that for the sake of this nation's survival we must have those with the courage to stand without exception for the need for this nation to face up to the moral corruption that is destroying our freedom. (applause) I will.
Now, on a practical level I also have the confidence that in the course of the last year and more, we have done our best in this effort to do our homework. I have gone from place to place, as some of you have surely witnessed. And you've noticed that at the end of all my talks anywhere I go in Iowa and elsewhere, I am not content to ask whether people are gonna vote for me and so forth and so on. I have asked that those who had the heart to do so come forward and take a pledge that they would commit themselves to vote for the agenda of moral priority at the caucuses and to find seven others who are willing to do so. And I believe that the hope that lies before us in this state and elsewhere is that unlike Bill Clinton and unlike a whole range of politicians who will not keep their word, I believe that the grass roots people of this state understand as our Lord says, that your yes is yes and your no is no. And that when they promise to work in this cause, they will keep their promises. We will challenge folks in Iowa and everywhere that they have come forward, to understand a simple truth. America will not keep its promise of liberty and justice and decency if we are not willing to keep our promise to sustain this agenda of moral priority. This was not a commitment made to this candidate or that candidate or the other candidate. It was a commitment made to support an agenda that unequivocally placed the moral crisis of this country at the top, without exception or equivocation, because we commonly believe in our hearts that this is the only way that we shall save this Republic's life. I time and again, at all of the gatherings I went to, promised people in this state and elsewhere that if I conscientiously reached the conclusion that no other candidate represented that agenda of priority, then I would make sure that it was represented in the caucus. We promised it faithfully. And I frankly don't care how good or ill it looks, I don't care how bleak some folks may think it becomes. Years ago when I first stood up in the process, in a speech in New Hampshire I talked about the kind of commitment that was going to be required from people of moral heart, if we were gonna turn this nation around. And I said then that whether we were few or many, or alone if need be, we had to stand with courage for that agenda of moral truth. And even if it turns out that Alan Keyes by his lonesome goes from place to place in this state and around the country, calling the conscience of America back to truth and right and the principles of the Declaration, I will stand there alone if I have to, because I know that God is with that truth. (applause) And just as that wonderful passage in the Bible where the circumstance are such that God keeps shaking out the army of the Israelites, He keeps shaking them out until He gets down to that gleaming core of integrity and dedication to His Truth that can in fact win the battle. And that I think is what the circumstances are doing for us in this election year. The calculators, the people of expedient mind, those who in the first place stood forward and started to raise the Name of God, not in His service, but in order to make use of His constituency, they are falling by the wayside. They are compromising, they are retreating, they are selling out, they are going to highest bidder in the hope of some success. But apart from the integrity of our principles there can be no success for this cause. And in the pursuit of that integrity, I will stand on the line that God has drawn for as long as it takes. And I would invite all people of heart, and commitment, and courage, and particularly those who have stood forward around this great state and taken the pledge of moral priority, to understand that the time has come to keep our promises. The time has come to become evangelists for this nation's moral renewal. The time has come to shake off the slough of despond, the time has come to turn away from the counsels of hesitation and despair and surrender, and to stand as we must stand before this nation, clear in this, that win or lose, if we have faith, then God has won the victory.
And I would, therefore, invite all of you and all of those many hundreds around this state who have stepped forward from time to time as I have gone from place to place, to look forward in the next few weeks to the work that must be done. For just as I stand before you here today and call to you to understand and keep that pledge to the agenda of moral priority, the success of this effort, as I often explain to folks, and I know that there may be some who, I don't know, maybe they forget or they think that I'm just saying words cause I feel like saying them, it's not true, this campaign, this effort was never, ever to be won by money or in the media or in any of those places that are dominated by the forces of mammon that seek to corrupt this country, there is only one place where the victory can be won, in the hearts and in the efforts of our people. If we have the heart and if we make the effort, then we alone can guarantee success. And in the course of the next several weeks, I'll be communicating with all the pledge takers, I'll be asking that they begin the work of fulfilling their word, as some have already done, as others need to do. Finding the recruits, sending in the names, building up the database that will, at the at the end of the day, be the only resource that can guarantee that on caucus night a clear and unequivocal word is spoken to this nation about the importance of renewing the nation's moral conscience and principles and spirit.
I know that there are those Republicans who listen to some of the things I say, I've been having fascinating experiences the last little while. I was just in Michigan addressing a breakfast there, and I will run down all of the things that I see going on for some of the Republican's right now who are signing on with some of the other candidates who are willing to put the important issues on the back burner, stand aside, equivocate, vacillate, do whatever they have to to win votes. And I will just point out that we need to stand with integrity for our principles, and we have to have leaders who won't equivocate, and do you realize that these folks, many of whom have already pledged their souls to those who are failing to pursue this agenda, they'll stand up and applaud and they'll act like they really care about this. The sad truth is that truth has its power. It moves the hearts even of those who do not have the heart to act according to its obligations. What we must try to do within the Republican Party today is bring the healing influence of the real grass roots to a cadre of leadership that has lost its way in the confusions of ambition and power. This is something that from time to time the people of this country are called to do if we are to preserve our heritage of self-government. It is hard work. It will require that in spite of all hesitation and embarrassment and this and that, we show a willingness to stand in our own circles, in our own families, amongst our own friends and our own workplaces, in our own churches, to issue the call for an unequivocal commitment to this agenda of principle. But I believe that if we are willing to do so, then that faithfulness will indeed be rewarded by our God, with a victory that will help to restore the hope that alone can come in this country from our dedication to the moral spirit of reverence for truth and for God that is in fact the basis of our claim to rights, and our hope for justice and liberty. Thank you very much. (applause)
Paid for and authorized by Keyes 2000
Source: Alan Keyes for President Web Site
Lamar Alexander 2000 Web Site
SEE THIS WEBSITE THROUGHOUT THE 2000 CAMPAIGN
Learn More
Lamar Alexander
Presidential Announcement Address
Nashville, Tennessee
March 9, 1999
(prepared remarks)
Two centuries ago, the founding fathers arrived in Philadelphia to create a Constitution that would give life to two radical ideas: that ordinary men and women had the capacity for self-governance, and that government derived its power from the people, not the other way around.
As choices were being debated vigorously, Benjamin Franklin noticed a painting of the sun on the back of George Washington's chair. He wondered: Did the painting represent a rising or a setting sun? When the debate was done and the last of the delegates had signed the Constitution of the United States of America, Franklin said to those sitting by him that he now knew what kind of sun it was that was painted on that chair: It was a rising sun.
That rising sun was hard to see when I became Governor of Tennessee. I was sworn in three days early in the Supreme Court chamber across the street because my predecessor had been selling pardons to convicted criminals, and I was going to put an immediate stop to it.
I can still see our son Drew, then only nine, peering straight ahead, his nose barely above the Bible on which my hand rested. Daughters Leslee and Kathryn were on tiptoe, trying to imitate me by trying to place their hands on the Bible, too. Honey was four months pregnant with Will.
Everyone was silent. They knew things weren't right. There were tough choices to be made. First, I secured the Capitol. Then we turned the previous governor's records over to the FBI, locked the prison gates, and I asked Fred Thompson, now one of our U.S. Senators, to review all the pardons that had been granted.
I wanted to bring out the best in our state. But we had a long way to go.
Our people were discouraged and mistrustful of government--and for good reasons. I was taking the reigns of state that was the third poorest in the nation. A third of our Eighth Graders couldn't read and write at their grade level. Our roads were poor. We were not making one automobile.
The Information Age was coming and we weren't ready.
It looked dark that day I was inaugurated, but I am an optimist. I know that sometimes night is darkest before the dawn. And I knew that, for Tennessee, it was time for the sun to rise, not set.
The choices we made then changed our lives. When I took office, there weren't many Tennesseans who thought we could attract the Nissan plant. Or the Saturn plant--and become the nation's fourth largest car-producing state. Or be the first to pay teachers more for teaching well. Or build 100 miles of Interstate highway with our own money so we could create new plant sites. Or become the fastest-growing state in family incomes. But, working together, we did all of that and we did it with one of the lowest state tax rates in the country.
Just as Benjamin Franklin saw a new nation in the light of that painted rising sun, and I saw my own state ready for the dawning of a new day, I now see a nation at the end of The American Century, illuminated by the early light of a new century.
This is another time of great choices; of decisions that will affect our lives for years to come.
I see a country that has done great things, but capable of striving to be even greater; a nation that is never finished, but is always beginning anew, limited only by the limits of our imagination.
Will we keep our prosperity? Will we live in safety from terrorists? Will our children be ready to lead? Will there be a second American Century?
Nearly Forty years ago, President Kennedy challenged America to achieve what seemed impossible at the time: to land men on the moon and return them to earth. He said, "We choose to do these things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard." Just seven years later, our nation had done the impossible.
I am here this morning to declare that I will be a candidate for President of the United States because I am ready to help our country face the challenges of a new century--and make the right choices.
This election will be about restoring respect for the presidency.
It will be about the character of the nation and its institutions.
Above all, this election will be about raising our standards and bringing out the best in America--because that is what it will take to have a new American Century.
In 1980, Ronald Reagan asked the American people, "Are you better off now than you were four years ago?" Most people answered "no." Today, my question is, "Will our COUNTRY be better off four years FROM NOW than it is today?"
I want the answer to be "yes," but it won't be if we continue in the direction the "Wizard" Clinton and his faithful servant Gore are taking us. They have given us what their polls tell them--but that is not leadership....And, while it is true the peace and prosperity they inherited is still with us, what of the future?
Look behind the screen of their magic show and see what has happened in the years since they took over: Twelve more countries have jumped over us in high school graduation rates; taxes are higher; the federal regulation book is thicker; our national defense is weaker. It is harder than ever for parents raising children. Seven tons of illegal drugs come across our borders every day. Dictators thumb their noses at us; we are more divided than ever by race; and our standards of right and wrong have all but disappeared.
Those are not the building blocks of a new American Century.
That is not America at its best.
If we are going to bring out the best in America, we will need a president who talks straight--and who listens. A new American Century will require a moral foundation laid by a President who respects both the office and the people who put him there; a president who knows what it took to make this nation great and what it will take to keep it that way.
I believe that the cynicism and rancor that swirl about our public institutions today do not represent a permanent affliction. Rather, they are a temporary condition that can be washed away by a leader who is willing and able to unite our people rather than divide them. Presidents, after all, are in a unique position to appeal to our "better angels."
That is a responsibility I am prepared to accept and ready to use.
Some people say I've been working awfully hard to prepare for the job of President. I assure you, if I could find an easier way, I'd do it. But, among Republicans in modern times, only General Eisenhower made it the first time he tried.
This time the race is wide open. There is no one whose "turn" it is.
It will take strong and practical proposals to bring out the best in America.
My campaign will have three basic ideas at its core. They are:
To fix public education;
To improve family incomes by lowering taxes and securing Social Security;
To Strengthen our national defense.
By fixing public education, I mean this: Send the Washington bureaucrats home, and send their money to the states, the classrooms and especially to parents--in the form of HOPE scholarships for the children. Let parents decide which school is best for their children. College-age students with scholarships can choose their college or university. If a federal HOPE scholarship is good enough for an 18-year-old, it is good enough for a six-year-old.
Ninety percent of what a child needs to succeed in this world he or she learns best in a strong family and a good school. That is why I will be a President on the side of parents raising children.
I have visited schools in virtually every state in the nation. I know that teachers and principals are suffocating under court orders, union rules and government regulations. They need more freedom, not more regulation. And, it is time to give every public school the same freedom from regulations that charter schools have.
And, it is time schools reported to their communities and the parents, not to Washington, D.C.
As President, I would lead a movement state by state to transform our public schools. To pay good teachers more. To end teacher tenure so no child is made to be in a classroom with an incompetent teacher. Our schools can be the best in the world. What is missing is the political will to put practical reforms in place. As President, I would intend to supply that will.
* * *
By insuring economic opportunity for all Americans, I mean this: You keep more of what you earn and government gets less of it. It means that Social Security will be there for those who depend upon it and those who expect to. But it also means more options for younger workers to manage more of their own retirement savings. It does not mean letting the likes of Mr. Clinton and Mr. Gore and their cronies invest our retirement funds for us.
By improving family incomes I mean this: End death taxes, the capital gains tax and the marriage penalty. It means going back to the two Reagan tax rates of 28 and 15 percent. It means cutting federal regulations exactly in half. It means getting government on the side of parents raising children by tripling the tax deduction for each child, to $8000--making it worth what it used to be worth. And, it means making sure the tax code doesn't discriminate against parents who choose to stay home with their children.
* * *
When I think about strengthening our national defense, I think also about the young airman I met not long ago who said to me, "Governor, I am prepared to give my life for my country. How have you prepared yourself to give the order?"
My answer was this: I have learned to be as committed to you as you are committed to our nation.
There is no greater responsibility for an American president than his or her role as commander-in-chief of our armed forces.
The threats of the Cold War have been replaced by new threats from rogue states, terrorists and power-mad dictators.
The hardest decision a president will ever make is whether to send American fighting men and women into harm's way. If I am forced to make such a decision one day, our armed forces can be confident they will be the best-equipped, best-trained fighting force in the world. And, before I sent American troops abroad, I would make sure we had not only an "exit" strategy, but a "success" strategy."
By strengthening our national defense, I mean building a strategic missile defense system to defend the city where you live--and defending our troops in the field--from attacks by rogue states or terrorists.
By strengthening our defenses I also mean defending ourselves against the drugs that come across our borders. I would propose to Congress that we create a new branch of the armed services to stop the flow of those drugs.
* * *
The most important choice we make for the new century may well be this one: Will we be a nation of individuals or a collection of special interest groups, each shouting, "My turn"?
America is at its best when we pull together.
In the Sixties, not two miles from this Capitol, as a student editor, I helped desegregate Vanderbilt University.
In the Eighties, as Governor, I appointed the first African American supreme court justice and, as president of the University of Tennessee, appointed its first African American vice presidents.
In the Nineties, as U.S. Secretary of Education, I said "no" to scholarships based solely on race.
I made these decisions for this reason: Citizens of a nation who pull together should never label one another based on race. That means government's helping hand--affirmative action--is for everyone; always based on need, never on race.
This nation is like no other on earth. All of us--or our ancestors--came from somewhere else. The backgrounds we represent are bound together by a simple but powerful idea: our love of freedom. Yes, let us celebrate our heritage, whatever its origin, for we are proud to be a nation of immigrants. But for each of us the greatest source of pride should be these four words, "I am an American."
* * *
Today marks the beginning of a campaign that leads to the caucuses and primaries. The first will be in Iowa, 48 weeks from now. I am pleased and honored to have as my national campaign chairman Terry Branstad, who recently concluded 16 years as Governor of Iowa. And the support of Governor Don Sundquist of Tennessee and Governor Mike Huckabee of Arkansas. I thank them, and all of you, for being with me this morning, and I especially thank Honey and our family for their love and support.
This week I will take my message to Washington, D.C., New York, New Hampshire, Iowa and California. Over the following two weeks, I will outline in detail the policy goals I have outlined here briefly, as well as other issues. In Summer 1994, I drove across America. Approaching Mount Rushmore, in South Dakota's Black Hills, I thought of what my grandfather used to tell me: "Aim for the top. There's more room there."
First you see George Washington, 60 feet high, imagining--it seemed to me--that there could BE a country such as ours. Then Jefferson, imagining what that country could BECOME. Then Lincoln, imagining that it was worth SAVING. Then Teddy Roosevelt, imagining that we could DO anything we set our minds to.
That memorial was conceived on a truly grand scale, when America was confident and dreamt big dreams. Those four presidents brought out the best in this nation to make those dreams realities.
We must dream bigger and bolder dreams if ours is still to be a great nation in the 21st Century. I have seen what can happen when we set our standards high. I have seen it in Tennessee and I have seen it in all of America.
We have been led to the end of this century by the finest generation since our nation's founding. If we face our choices as they faced theirs, we can create a second great American Century.
If they could create the best universities, we can create the best schools;
If they could survive the soup lines of the Depression, we can be the best parents;
If they could take Omaha Beach, we can have the best-prepared military;
If they could reach the moon, we can reach into each other's hearts, put aside racial and ethnic labels, and pull together.
I believe in the United States of America and its political and spiritual heritage. I know that, working together, we can make sure that it is a bright sun that rises on America's new century. I invite you to join me in a campaign to expand American freedom, renew its pioneer spirit and bring out the best in America. Let us begin right here, right now.
###
Source: Lamar Alexander for President Official 2000 Campaign Web Site
John Kasich 2000 Web Site
SEE THIS WEBSITE THROUGHOUT THE 2000 CAMPAIGN
Learn More
COPYRIGHT 2000-2024 - 4PRESIDENT CORPORATION/MIKE DEC PHOTOGRAPHY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
COPYRIGHT 2000-2024 - 4PRESIDENT CORPORATION/MIKE DEC PHOTOGRAPHY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
COPYRIGHT 2000-2024 - 4PRESIDENT CORPORATION/MIKE DEC PHOTOGRAPHY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
COPYRIGHT 2000-2024 - 4PRESIDENT CORPORATION/MIKE DEC PHOTOGRAPHY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED